Showing posts with label Richard Rorty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Richard Rorty. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 10, 2016

Just a bit from an essay on Konstantin Kolenda


An Uncertain Scholar
   I am a graduate student, I should say, of literature and not of philosophy. My professor instructed my seminar class to find an archive and to write a paper about the experience. I loved the assignment for its openness—just do something interesting, she seemed to say.  Passing over old log books, a diary, collections of photographs, a beautiful book of paintings, and the delicate letters of Samuel Richardson, I searched a few days for the right project: I needed to be grabbed. Thankfully the Woodson Center has an online database of all archival materials. Every collection, or manuscript, or archival item is listed, usually with a detailed list of its contents. Such a search brought the Kolenda papers to my attention after keying in “American Philosophy” and, on a whim, “William James”.
    I should say a quick word about my attachment to James. English majors of a certain temperament tend to fall in love with dead people more easily than, perhaps, their relatively well-adjusted fellow human creatures. But intellectual backgrounds and erotic attachments notwithstanding it would be fairer to say that certain writers “do it” for us, no matter the temperament. And for me William James, even more than his brother Henry, was one who could “do it.”  As if anticipating my scholarly needs, James articulates this very phenomenon in The Varieties of Religious Experience: “Most of us can remember the strangely moving power of passages in certain poems read when we were young, irrational doorways as they were through which the mystery of fact, the wildness and the pang of life, stole into our hearts and thrilled them.” “The wildness and the pang of life”: I’m reminded here of Rebecca West’s famous observation of the James brothers that philosopher William wrote like a novelist, and novelist Henry wrote like a philosopher. William James was a brilliant thinker and a gifted writer. He insisted on clarity whenever possible, and retained a sense of play as well as a sense of humor in all of his work. John Dewey (a tedious writer with brilliant mind) noted in James’ prose a “clearness and a picturesqueness that will long be the despair of other philosophers.”
    Persons drawn to James’ pragmatic philosophy tend to be simultaneously attracted to what seems to be the nobility of an intellectual enterprise taking for its target the largest and most important questions ever posed, all the while being sensible to the perils of reveling for a lifetime in a project that may have no real application outside the classroom. Philosophizing can sometimes seem “as free from interruption as a plan for threading the stars together,” as George Eliot told us. But James has an answer: “What you want is a philosophy that will not only exercise your powers of intellectual abstraction, but that will make some positive connexion with this actual world of finite human lives.” [Note 1] If Kolenda had worked on William James I could fulfill the assignment and also read up on American pragmatism: here was the first hook. Admittedly, it was initially strange to me that a man with a foreign name could have been invested in American pragmatism, a strain of philosophy neglected by Americans themselves. Of course, if Tocqueville was right the nativity of any strain of philosophy would make no difference since “in no country in the civilized world is less attention paid to philosophy than in the United States.”  
    I scanned the “Guide to the Konstantin Kolenda Papers, c.1950-1990 MS 436.” After spotting some papers on James, I glanced at the Collection’s abstract: “[t]he majority of this collection consists of Kolenda’s own writing (notes, drafts, source material). The next largest group consists of source material only on four philosophers (Peirce, Rorty, Ryle and Wittgenstein)…”  Rorty? Scanning the box index for Kolenda’s business correspondence I found Rorty’s name again, Box 5 Folder 29. I didn’t know who Konstantin Kolenda was but I was certainly familiar with the name Richard Rorty. Arguably the most prominent enfant terrible of the academic philosophic establishment from the 1980s until his death in 2007, Rorty was celebrated and reviled for his abandonment of epistemology-centered philosophy; philosophy, that is, with the central purpose of discovering big-T Truth.
    Most often considered a neo-pragmatist, Rorty turned away from his Chicago-school analytic training—quite the betrayal at the time—and toward a reexamination (and recovery) of thinkers like James and John Dewey. He found resonances between these American pragmatists and continental philosophers like Derrida, Heidegger, and Wittgenstein. “It is as if Rorty decided to mix apples, oranges, and nuts,” writes Kolenda in Philosophy’s Journey, “But…Rorty knew what he was doing.” Explaining further in his 1990 book Rorty’s Humanistic Pragmatism Kolenda writes that
The claim that it is the philosopher’s job to uncover the Truth about the Secret is the main target of Rorty’s criticism. Leaning on other thinkers preceding him, he points to the confusions underlying attempts to discover the foundations of all knowledge….He claims that…the entire Western philosophical tradition from Plato to Kant was motivated by this incoherently incoherent project…
The work of an ambitious man, surely. Rorty could be sardonic as when describing his escape from under the “collapsed circus tent of epistemology—those acres of canvas under which many of our colleagues still thrash aimlessly about” and also unironically hopeful (“My sense of the holy, insofar as I have one, is bound up with the hope that someday, any millennium now, my remote descendants will live in a global civilization in which love is pretty much the only law.” The casual “pretty much” is typical of a philosopher whose prose, like his philosophy, bristles with the everyday. A rich correspondence, I imagined, awaited me: a trove of letters stuffed in some dusty old box stuffed in the corner of some old basement stuffed, as it were, in the Woodson archives of Rice University. I could already see the headline: BRILLIANT YOUNG SCHOLAR DISCOVERS UNKNOWN RORTY LETTERS NEW INSIGHTS PENDING DOZENS OF RORTY SCHOLARS EAGERLY AWAIT PUBLICATION. No ink would be spared.  I joked as much to myself, and yet I think a part of me took the idea seriously, the idea of finding something of vital interest in the letters between these philosophers—both prolific, one famous: was the other terribly overlooked?
    I’m not sure what I expected, but archives are both extraordinary and mundane. I found myself in the Woodson Center in a room of glass, carpet, and fluorescent lighting where two boxes were waiting for me on a cart near a large table. The Center’s archivists are wonderfully trusting, letting you handle most materials by yourself which is not always the case. The first boxes I had requested were chosen simply because I had seen names I liked: Richard Rorty, William James, Middlemarch. The latter two were folders with stacked loose pages of written notes, most scrawled in a barely legible hand. I skimmed through but decided to go to the Rorty letters instead. The folder, a slice of papers neatly slid (not stuffed) in a clean cardboard box, was disappointingly slim. And yet it wasn’t nothing, and my disappointment melted away as soon as I saw the penned signature at the bottom of the first typed letter: “All the best, Dick.” I always suspected Rorty to have been cuddlier than his philosopher persona—the casual “Dick” only encouraged me.
    The letters were typed, which was a relief. Unlike other folders of correspondence I later looked through, the Rorty folder had copies letters Kolenda had written and sent himself. Was this correspondence more important to keep intact? Did it mean more to him? The letters were in no particular order so I first had to spend time rearranging them from earliest to most recent. In doing so I was made more aware that I had no idea if I actually had the entirety of the correspondence, most of the correspondence, or only a sliver—I’d have to work with what I had. The first letter was dated 9 May 1983, and it was brief. But my eyes were drawn to the second paragraph under the greeting which had begun “Dear Konnie”:
It is nice of you to see me as a rejuvenator of philosophy, but I am not sure enough about whether there is such a thing to be sure of whether it ought to be rejuvenated. You are right in suggesting that I would prefer to regard myself as an intellectual, but not “just” an intellectual. As far as I can see, being an intellectual is about as far as one can go.
In 1983 Rorty would have been on the rise, but still quite controversial (not that he ever wasn’t controversial). My archival subject was an early admirer of the post-analytic Rorty it seemed. Kolenda replied that he was “exhilarated” by Rorty’s work and would be “reading as much of your stuff as I can lay my hands on.” Rorty writes that he was “very flattered” that Kolenda thought “[his] stuff worth working on.”
    The letters weren’t quite as deeply philosophical as I had expected. They talked about attending conferences, and about what the other was working on, like Kolenda’s Rorty’s Humanistic Pragmatism or Contingency, irony, and solidarity which was in the works in 1987-88. Kolenda had, in fact, offered editorial advice and is eventually acknowledged by Rorty in the book’s preface for “suggest[ing] a crucial rearrangement of topics.” Reading the letters though, my focus was on Rorty, since I assumed he would be the more interesting subject for my project—Kolenda was just a way in. But a letter caught my attention; it was in the Rorty file, but the sender instead was an Oxford publishing company called Basil Blackwell. Dated 18 January 1988 it began “Dear Professor Kolenda”:
I now have heard from our advisor about your proposal for the book on Richard Rorty. While the report is prefaced by a note to me saying that he thinks that the work is in fact very impressive both his and my feeling is that we oughtn’t to be publishing two books on Rorty in such a short time. As I think I mentioned in my last letter we’ve already contracted a book called Reading Rorty (a collection of essays about Rorty’s work and influence). Regretfully, therefore, we shall not be able to make you an offer for your book.
The sender assured they were “very sorry” for the “cautious response since I would have enjoyed working with you on the book.” This afterthought of an apology felt a bit cheap and insincere even if it wasn’t. Maybe this kind of vaguely saccharine rejection was a common occurrence for publishing academics, but I felt disappointed for Kolenda. Why couldn’t two books on Rorty be published?
    It was my first palpable response to Kolenda that had little to do with Rorty, and I think I felt a weird guilt at accessing Kolenda’s papers for a reason that had little to do with the work he had done over a lifetime, a life and work that could somehow be reduced to a dozen or so boxes of letters, and papers, and pictures, and manuscripts, and old date books. His papers had been given with the assumption that they would be of interest, that he was of interest, and that his intellectual work had been for something even if I had never before heard his name. Like finding a bleeding man on the sidewalk, I couldn’t in good conscience keep walking by. I was here, had chosen to be here; here to look, and respond, and (maybe) do something even if that just meant taking some time to read what he’d written, and taking too a good look at a life I had previously had nothing to do with. I would leave Rorty for another time. I turned to other boxes to begin answering a question I hadn’t yet asked: who was Konstantin Kolenda?




[1] In “Philosophical Conceptions and Practical Results,” James clarifies what he means by “positive connexion[s]”: “…Suppose there are two different philosophical definitions, or propositions, or maxims, or what not, which seem to contradict each other, and about which men dispute. If, by supposing the truth of the one, you can forsee no conceivable practical consequence to anybody at any time or place, which is different from what you would foresee if you supposed the truth of the other, why then the difference between the two propositions is no difference,--it is only a specious and verbal difference, unworthy of further contention.” We might think here of the dilemma of free will. Do we have free will, or are we blown about by the whims and drives of our own biology? The question itself is problematic, presupposing an intact “I” that either owns or is owned by the I’s body. Whether or not I really choose to eat a slice of pie, for example, or am instead driven by various physiological and environmental factors to eat pie, I’ll still either eat the pie or not eat the pie. Nothing else of practical significance is at stake for the moment.

Monday, November 16, 2015

Excellent Facebook Debate on Privileged Mourning (15 November 2015) in which I get in some nice Zingers and side with some Right-wingers

Oh boy. a Facebook Debate! What fun.

Full names are withheld--using initials or first names only. The original conversation was on facebook, a somewhat public medium. But I try here to maintain a reasonable level of anonymity, removing all hyperlinks as well. I also did my best to level the field by removing any "likes." Which was hard on my vanity since I did receive a few...I hope you enjoy.

This reaction came from quite a lot of thinking on my part about where I stand politically today, and why I don't feel much solidarity with the Left these days. I've been reading and listening to a lot of Sam Harris and Richard Rorty, as well as David Brooks. Also the recent Yale and Mizzou protests have been in my brain, covered so well recently by The Atlantic. Really weird calls from young academics for "safe spaces" in lieu of calls for intellectual integrity/intellectual freedom. College campuses SHOULD be a place of confrontation. Ideas are difficult, and really powerful ideas can and should be discomforting, even painful. There IS real racism in this country--Halloween costumes just don't merit the kind of hysterics we've been seen the last few weeks. The Paris attacks have given us another opportunity to rethink the relationship between religion and terrorism. The link is real, no doubt about it. Islam doesn't need to disappear, but it does need real reform. The Left continues to deny any real connection between Islam and Islamism--the Left resorts to name-calling and buzz words and charges of racism or Islamophobia. Toxic environment for actual debate. Anyway, lot on the mind lately. The following is a nice demonstration of what I see as a rather irrational, even hysterical reaction to a reasonable feeling of solidarity with France. Even if I change my mind down the road (smart people should continue to continually rethink positions over time) this was a chance for me to test out some opinions, and to have a bit of fun (not everyone here enjoyed themselves as much). I'll give the full conversation:


Original Post:

 · 
KL: Folks, you know why we notice it more when people die in Western countries than in non-western countries? Is it because of prejudice? Is it because of hate?
No.
It's because, like any sane person, we recognize attacks on our "family" more than on those who aren't "family." Also, tragedies of this magnitude are much more common in developing countries than the West, so while they are still tragic, they are more expected and normal. The West is very imperfect, but it gives billions and billions in aid to the rest of the world to help alleviate such things. But the simple fact is that human nature is surprised by the uncommon. Terrorist attacks in Western countries are not common. Unfortunately, such violent episodes are very common in other countries.
Additionally, chances are that more people recognize a horrible incident in Paris than Beruit, et al, because:
1. Most of us are much more likely to have visited Paris than Beruit;
2. Paris is a comparatively far more famous city than Beruit and other places;
3. Most of us are much more likey to visit Paris at some point in the future if we have not visited it already, as it holds a place in the West's (indeed the world's) psyche;
4. France is part of our civilizational "family" of the West.
Is this wrong?
No. Like anything else, it can go too far and become wrong, but no, this is not wrong in and of itself.
Now, if the West hadn't given so much aid, if it wasn't the first to give aid and provide logistical support in developing countries struck by tragedy, if it hadn't provided billions in debt forgiveness to poor nations, etc. if, in fact, it showed that it was only concerned about itself, and not at all for these other places, then there would be a point to all of this.
But alas, the exact opposite has happened.
So enough please. Unless you are prepared to take the tragedies of billions of other human beings as seriously as you take your own family's, state's, or country's tragedies, can we please stop with the really strange and self-defeating narrative of "Well, we can only mourn Paris if we equally mourn every other tragedy that can possibly befall mankind from here on out"? Of course other people dying is a tragedy, but you know, human beings have limits to how much they can take upon themselves, and clearly, with all the money given by the West to the rest of the world, we clearly don't believe that other lives lack value.
Most of this talk is psychological navel-gazing in the extreme.
----------------------------------


Replies follow:

First Comment Thread:

HH This is just a euro-centric and bigoted argument that places more importance on so-called 'civilised' and 'western' countries over what is seen as the 'other'. I would expect more from you Kodi as an ambassador for the ISS office at KU. This sentiment shows a lack of understanding and care for some of the students you are supposed to represent.

  • LH He isn't saying he doesn't care or that people from other non-western countries don't have value. He already recognizes the value of non-western people and cultures by living and studying in China. Your response is pretty heavy-handed and without justification.

  • HH Not really. I know Kodi from working with him as an international orientation leader. As an ambassador for international students this was a very euro-centric thing to post. By sharing this post it can be perceived by others that he doesn't care which is what I was pointing out.

  • JC Hollie, I said it. I love traveling, and I have friends in every portion of the world, including Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Australia. I happen to also appreciate my particularly Western culture, which has produced many good fruits of which myself, you, and many other people who are not Western have benefited from, not because those values are only meant for Western people, but because they are human values: values of human rights, tolerance, an open exchange of ideas, etc. Those do NOT exist in many parts of the globe. That is a fact. I love experiencing other cultures, and have engaged in quite a bit of criticism of our own culture, which is profoundly imperfect. But whenever I come back to America or back to somewhere in the "West," I do feel great gratitude at the many blessings we have, many of which are not matched elsewhere on the globe. Whatever YOU mean by "Euro-centric," what I, as the author of this post mean, is that there are countries with which we share a more common culture and heritage. The United States is one of the most diverse societies on earth, and Europe itself is incredibly diverse. But they all partake of a very similar heritage created by many forces. It's just common sense! Most Americans have more in common with people in Europe than people in Africa. That doesn't mean we think Africans are less human or what not. How absurd (particularly given all the aid we have given to them)! Our culture is simply more similar. That is a FACT.

  • Laura Bilhimer This is actually a really fascinating dilemma. Ideally, Hollie's moral figure would be right: all human kind would care for each other equally. But that's not how we think, for better or for worse. I think it's a matter of logistics and psychology and common sense: given the unfortunate habit humans seem to have of harming each other, what would daily life be like if we really, deeply agonized over every global catastrophe, every catastrophic loss of human life? It would be pretty hard to enjoy a cup of coffee over the Sunday New York Times. We really wouldn't have the time or psychological energy to be that empathetic. I think we have to admit we're fundamentally pretty tribal, which in the 21st century translates into nationhood. Which doesn't mean we shouldn't try to be more empathetic. But admitting that we tend to care more about other countries with similar values or countries with which we have cultural-historical ties---this seems to be a very common sense, even very decent thing to admit.

  • KC Say what you say, but keep in mind there is a difference between Intent vs Impact

  • JC What impact? We're grieving with Parisians for God's sake. Oh yes, and we clearly don't give a damn about Kenyans, who we give billions to! This is extreme sensitivity looking for fights where there shouldn't be any run amok.

  • HH ^'giving billions to' is a paternalistic and euro-centric way to view other countries. Educate yourself about the impact of your prose.

  • Laura Bilhimer Rem acu tetigisti. I would say the same to the "bigoted argument" remark.

  • Laura Bilhimer OH GO BACK TO YOUR CHOMSKY

  • Laura Bilhimer LOL

  • JC Hollie, you are overly sensitive. Educate yourself about how nonsensical you are being. I don't think the millions of people who benefit from PEPFAR and the state of the art anti-retro viral drugs we provide to fight AIDS and which has saved millions of lives and is preventing the death of millions more would have patience with your babbling about "paternalism." Snap out of it for God's sake!

  • Laura Bilhimer Yeah Kodi, educate yourself!!! We all know you hate reading books!! lol

  • Laura Bilhimer I haven't had me a good facebook debate in a real long time.

  • HH I'm overly sensitive and you're overly ignorant.

  • JC I'm not trying to be mean. I'm sure Hollie is a nice person. But this is truly absurd thinking. It's the type of thinking that suburban well-to-do white kids typically are quite comfortable with. Meanwhile, in the real world, no one has time for this nonsense, let alone those whose lives are being saved. Hollie, you should speak this nonsense in the presence of a Kenyan whose life has been saved by PEPFAR. I'd love to see the reaction. It's not paternalism. It's called caring about those who are in a tough position and doing something about it. "I'm overly sensitive and you're overly ignorant." This is the state of intellectual life on college campuses these days. As an alumni of KU I was hoping for better. This amounts to nothing more than "You're wrong because I say you're wrong; oh, and I'll just give you a bad label and hope that alleviates my need to actually make an argument, provide evidenced, and all the normal formalities usually associated with educated discussion."

  • Laura Bilhimer Oh god, we shouldn't even begin talking about the Yale protests. Hey I think we won, Josh. I used latin once, and also got in a Noam Chomsky dig.

  • Laura Bilhimer But she did get in her buzz words. We must give them that.

Second Comment Thread (also responding to first comment by HH):
Laura Bilhimer And nothing that you do would ever be "euro-centric"? Of course we're culturally closer to France than many places in the world, of course this hits home to us more than a tragedy in Beirut. It's nothing to be ashamed of. It's admitting a history. They helped us win a little skirmish with England back in the 18th century, and those blood ties go deep. It doesn't make him a cultural snob to admit that that affects us in a very real way.


Third Comment Thread (or a continuation of the second. Continued response to HH).

Laura Bilhimer And you really did just call Kodi a bigot.
  • HN Thanks Laura. Sometimes people just want to call people names...it seems to be the country we live in.
  • Laura Bilhimer Hi Hans! Yeah, and I know there was no direct name-calling, but this whole discussion Kodi is pointing to has pissed me off. I still generally consider myself a liberal, but it's getting more and more difficult, since that term automatically alligns one with this easy-button politics of "point to your privilege." Which IS important to do, but it's too often a conversation stopper, as well as a "point me to the next hysterical BS you can think of" move. Kodi was bringing up a valid and commonsensical point, and he automatically gets carded as a white-privileged western imperialist bigot (or a person carrying those ideas...) Bring on the finger pointing from the Left! The Hysterical Left as I've taken to calling it--Sam Harris calls it the Regressive Left. I'm becoming my own political party I guess, which is usually a good thing I suppose. Carry on with the interesting ideas, Kodi.
  • JC Laura, I'm more conservative, but I completely agree with you and Sam Harris in this regard. The fact that we have different ideas is not the problem: it is that we can't talk about them in an honest, civil way, and we'd rather label our opponents before we have even given their ideas a fair shake! You are completely right.
  • Laura Bilhimer Cheers to that Josh! Wouldn't it be nice to see more of that kind of debate? No more buzz words, more thoughtfulness, more humbleness.

Fourth Comment Thread

KS I would hardly say events such as these are normal. As they happen often, it's hardly normal. At least, in my opinion, they should not be perceived as "normal."

  • JC Violence in other parts of the world is far more normal than in the West. That is a fact.
  • Laura Bilhimer Yes, indeed.
  • KS I understand that violence is more rampant in other parts of the world. But I would hardly call the events that took place Friday "normal." Terrorism, regardless of where it takes place, shouldn't be considered normal. Do we expect it to happen in other parts of the world? Unfortunately, yes. But we shouldn't have to expect it.
  • JC Kristen, I think everybody agrees with you, so I'm not sure of your point. Saying something is "normal" doesn't mean we approve: it means we recognize it happens with a good deal of regularity.

Fifth Comment Thread

MS I completely agree although I would've selected my words a little more carefully. You seem to care about international people more than the average Westerner, however you understand that it would be natural for Westerners to react with more shock at the Paris attacks because they feel a closer historical and cultural connection to Paris than Beirut or Kenya. Maybe people care less about Beirut and other locations as a result, but that doesn't make them necessarily bad people. I wish that the media would give more equal coverage though.
  • Laura Bilhimer Yeah I agree there. I don't remember a Presidential address after the earthquake in Nepal for example. 9000 people dead! I know it's not terrorism, but more solidarity there would have been nice. Not as sexy to our media as ISIS is though.


[I've omitted a thread making a more bizarre claim that no one cared about the Russian plane bombing. It went nowhere, despite a brave attempt to reason with the person by JC. I did not have to patience to get involved.]

Last Comment Thread
[KL posts photo of Stephen Colbert eating popcorn, seeming to observe this conversation with much amusement.]

JM After any tragedy Facebook just turns into one great big compassion contest.

  • SR fully aware that OP is present and engaged, "... the simple fact is that human nature is surprised by the uncommon." is the only sentence worth keeping. (IMO) Completely sufficient on it's own. The rest is just distraction from that truth.
  • KL Some good things have already been said, I just have a few things: Hollie, while I welcome critique of anything I say or post, I think that you have unfairly overstepped your bounds. There is a big difference between pointing out something that may be "perceived" wrong by others, and labeling something as bigoted. There is a big difference between calling for caution, and calling into credibility my care for and ability to represent internationals. I have reread the quote, and I have detected no bigoted speech, nor anything that would call for such critique of my credibility. So I can't point out an undeniable and sociologically verified part of human nature without cries of bigotry? My credibility as a representative of internationals is in question if I defend something I see as pure and natural human reaction to world events? You know, "eurocentric" is an overused term. So is "bigoted." Both of these terms are important and have their place, but the way you have used them today I find to be irresponsible. I feel that you have displayed an inability to read into the actual legitimate points in the post, and rather displayed overly reactionary and accusatory behavior that shuts down discussion right from the start.Karen, "intent vs. impact;" actually, I like that. I think this is an important thing to remember, and you have encouraged me to reflect on this (as you always do). At the same time though, I have a concern:Can't a concern for impact before intent lead to certain captivity of intellectual discussion? Don't you think that being overly concerned with people's feelings in our discussions can lead to a strangled ability to express good ideas? At least, if you will, if we take it too far? 
  • KL I appreciated Milvi's comment the most of all. Her approach is cautious, yet supportive of the legitimate points made. Thank you Milvi.Karen and Hollie, I don't seek to attack, I seek to engage. I honestly want your thoughts on what I have just said. I always want to learn from others, as I assume you do too.


[the conversation went on, mostly further nit-picking of KL's terms in original post]






So while I do not agree fully with KL's original post, the knee-jerk reaction from HH set me off. Quite a fun evening for me overall.

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Wednesday, September 23, 2015

Re-reading the Declaration of Independence


Reflections on the Revolution in Philadelphia
[The Declaration] was intended to be an expression of the American mind, and to give to that expression the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion.
-Thomas Jefferson in a letter to Henry Lee, 1825

…of all the books that no one can write, those about nations and national character are the most impossible.
-Jaques Barzun
    The Declaration of Independence: it’s a strange thing to really look at, for the first time, a thing you’ve seen your whole life. Strange too that my least favorite subject in school was early American History, and Revolutionary History in particular. Powdered wigs, documents and committees, General Washington floating rather chubbily down the Delaware: so bloodless, so boring. Hypocrites to the man, I had thought, slavery into the nineteenth century! Freedom, indeed. Once, though, I remember quite a revolutionary little pleasure of my own: an exercise in argumentation. Sometime around third or fourth grade, my classmates and I were to write Revolutionary pamphlets. As all were at liberty to represent either the British or American interest, all hands shot up for America, the eager little sycophantic would-be patriots. I—a wised-up, bespectacled nine-year-old yet to have heard of, let alone read, Edmund Burke—I puffed out my chest and raised my hand for Britannia. I alone would defend her, squash these upstart insurrectionists, and risk all for noble King George. I would rein in, and reign over, these ungrateful, incipient would-be pamphleteers!
    Though always a quiet student, I enjoyed the assignment immensely, and I think my teacher took a kind of qualified pride in my distressingly unironic enthusiasm for His Majesty’s purely paternal concern for his colonial children. Certainly such enthusiasm stemmed partly from a play of devil’s advocate, and yet I do think I began really to love the regal British red coats, and took sincere pleasure in the arch argumentation of speaking down to these my comrades: entitled, rhetorically inflated, and so woefully misinformed. They were so dreadfully dismissive of those very real institutions which had allowed that infantile entitlement to flourish in the first place. Duty, King, and Country: to dissolve those bands would be folly indeed. And who would be foolhardy enough to take on the British Navy? I got an A—or its elementary school equivalent—and no small degree of ridicule from my more patriotic classmates.
    I give you this anecdote by way of introduction, but also to try to explain to myself how I came to study American letters, and why. Taking leave of my hasty youthful Anglophilia, I find my higher education has largely revolved around a question I keep asking because it seems important, vital even: what, in any real sense, does “America” mean. I think here of Jaques Barzun's observation that the business of writing about a nation is "the most impossible." Academia too often renders questions of nationhood and national style as naïve, uncritical, even empty. The emotion of national pride, as Richard Rorty wrote, has been largely repudiated by the academic left (Rorty 252). Rorty sees the possibility of a richer national pride: Rorty’s patriot may feel humble, even ashamed, but also sincerely proud of her country. We might here recall Michael Kammen’s People of Paradox. Kammen writes of the tricky business of writing about national “style”:
There is both grandeur and pettiness in the so-called American experience. Hence its interpreter must somehow be unambiguous about ambiguities, must see several sides of many questions without being ultimately indecisive in his conclusions. (Kammen xiii)
Like Kammen, I seem to be writing around the problem of writing about America, and thus I also write around the problem of writing about the Declaration.  How does one approach such a document?
    In his brief, punchy biography (or, better, sketch) of Jefferson, Christopher Hitchens argues that “[t]here is no other example in history, apart from the composition of the King James version of the Bible, in which great words and concepts have been fused into poetic prose by the banal processes of a committee” (Hitchens 23). But credit ultimately still goes to Jefferson as the Declaration’s author, Hitchens writing that rather than “inventing” or “imagining” America, “[i]t would be truer to say…that he designed America, or that he authored it” (Hitchens 5). Thomas Jefferson thought his government “the world’s best hope,” an institution through which the strength of its people could be channeled. “I believe,” he wrote in his first inaugural address, “[our government] the only one where every man, at the call of the law…would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern” (Jefferson 493). There is blood in these words yet, I think. To understand America, or the American Experiment, we turn to Jefferson; to understand Jefferson we could do worse than to turn to the Declaration.   
    Writing to Henry Lee, a distant relative and a brother Governor of Virginia, an octogenarian Jefferson explains “the object of the Declaration of Independence”:
Not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things which had never been said before; but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm as to command their assent, and to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take….[I]t was intended to be an expression of the American mind, and to give to that expression the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion.  (Jefferson 1501)
Radical but not original. An “expression of the American mind” was still expressed on paper by one American mind in particular. And the contradictions for which Jefferson is often vilified, are the contradictions pointed to in the Declaration as rendering its authors hypocritical and probably insincere. And yet I still shiver at the words: “When in the course of human events it becomes necessary…”; self-evident truths; “all men created are equal”; “inalienable rights”; life and liberty; lives, fortunes, and sacred honors. Liberty, above all, liberty. So where stem the troubles? Staughton Lynd, in his Intellectual Origins of American Radicalism, identifies one particular tension within the document: “…the latent tension within the natural rights philosophy of the Declaration of Independence between an outlook on society based on property and a contrasting perspective built on conscience, or on self-determining human activity, could not long be avoided” (qtd. Kammen 237). We’re talking about, as Kammen points out, the nature of property and we’re also talking about the essence of mankind. Put together, we’re talking about the American ownership, in July of 1776, of a few hundred thousand men, women, and children. People as property.
     Natural rights and universal principles; theoretical beliefs and practical realities. Justice and reality can seldom be held in a single vision. In an 1852 commemorative speech, “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?” Douglas would be rather frank to his audience as to just what exactly Independence Day means to the slave in America:
…a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham…your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery….There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices, more shocking and bloody, than are the people of these United States, at this very hour.
    Go where you may, search where you will…for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, American reigns without a rival. (Douglass 127)
We might picture the scattered applause, and gaping jaws. Still, Douglass addresses his contemporaries more than Jefferson. The Founding Fathers, Douglass writes, were “unlike the politicians of an hour! Their statesmanship looked beyond the passing moment, and stretched away in strength into the distant future. They seized upon eternal principles” (Douglass 121). As much may be said of Jefferson, we do know. Congress cut about a quarter of Jefferson's original draft, the majority of the cut portions decrying slavery, that "execrable commerce" (Jefferson 22). The cuts crucially meant keeping the colonies together--these edits were very practical, probably necessary. He would have had to have been pragmatic, bending idealism down into the confines of  the dire situation at hand. And yet we still, with John Adams, admit pretty bitterly the probable necessity of cutting such language: "[King George] has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating it's most sacred rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, captivating & carrying them into slavery" (22). 
    Perhaps slavery was on Jefferson's mind when property became happiness. Though heavily influenced by the natural rights philosophy of John Locke, Jefferson makes a crucial change to this oft-quoted passage in Locke's Second Treatise of Government: "The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges every one: and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions… (Locke 9, emphasis original). Our inalienable rights no longer extend to ownership, but to being happy. Douglass wrote that the founding fathers “loved their country better than their own private interests” and perhaps this might help explain, if only a little, why Jefferson continued to own slaves. He held the country’s future to a higher standard; much higher than that to which he could hope to hold himself and his comrades in 1776.





Works Cited
Douglass, Frederick. Narrative of the Life of an American Slave. New York: Norton Critical          Edition, 1997.
Hitchens, Christopher. Thomas Jefferson: Author of America. New York: Harper Perennial,           2009.
Jefferson, Thomas. Writings ed. Merrill Peterson. New York: Library of America, 1984.
Kammen, Michael. People of Paradox. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972.
Locke, John. Second Treatise of Government. Hackett Publishing, 1980.
Rorty, Richard. Philosophy and Social Hope. London: Penguin Books, 1999.